서울에서 띄운 외국 칼럼니스트의 논평
외국 언론들의 한국 이야기를 들여다보면 재밌다. 두 가지 점에서인데 하나는 그네들이 어떻게 한국을 보고 있는가 하는 것이고 또하나는 문제가 있으면 어떻게 진단하고 해법을 제시하는가 하는 것이다. 물론 분노를 자아나게 하는 것도 없지 않다.
이번 쇠고기 사태며 촛불집회와 관련해 그네들의 보도를 보면, 대체로 사실에 기초한 전달성 기사를 날리는 경우가 많다. 그건 집회 등 사건 발생의 성격이 강하기 때문이기도 하지만 미국산 수입 쇠고기가 워낙 민감한 사안이라 가타부타 논평을 꺼려해서인지도 모르겠다.
그러나 이따금 이를 진단하고 분석한 기사가 눈에 띄는데 30일자(현지시간) 블룸버그통신 칼럼니스트의 논평이 그럴싸하다. 일견 매서운 부분도 있다.
미국이나 한국정부의 입장을 토대로 양국의 통상문제를 짚었으면 좋으련만, 이를 거의 언급하지 않고 있는 점이 아쉽지만 CEO출신 MB에 대한 스타일 분석은 들을 만하다.
이에 따르면 전세계에서 CEO 출신 대통령이나 총리 대부분이 몰락하거나 국민적 저항을 받고 있다는 것이다. 틀린 말이 아닌 것이 부시는 2001년 첫 MBA출신 대통령이고, 탁신 친나왓 전 태국총리(2001-6년)은 통신그룹 총수출신이고, 이탈리아 전 총리였다가 다시 총리가 된 실비오 베를루스코니는 자수성가한 억만장자이다.
그런데 이들이 국내에서 매우 큰 국민적 저항을 받고 있거나 받은 인물들이라는데 공통점을 갖고 있다. 부시는 이라크 전쟁 아프간 전쟁 등으로 최악의 지지율을 받고 있고, 친나왓은 부패혐의를 받았으며 군부쿠데타로 쫒겨났고, 베를루스코니는 극우주의자로 이런저런 스캔들 메이커로 입살에 올랐다.
블룸버그 통신은 CEO출신으로 이제 이런 사람들과 같은 대열에 선 사람이 바로 MB로, 엄청난 국민적 저항에 부딪혔다는 주장이다.
CEO 출신들이 실패하는 이유 중 하나는 이들이 국정과 기업 경영의 차이를 혼동한다는 것이다. 다시말해 국가정책 결정 과정에서 국민들의 다양한 의견을 묻지 않는다는 지적이다.
그나마 다행인 것은 MB는 취임 100일 밖에 안된 시점에서 이런 교훈을 얻게 된 점이라고 밝히고 있다. 그러면서 불도저란 별명을 갖고 있는 MB가 명심해야 할 것은 '국가운영의 목표가 무엇이냐'보다 '이들 목표를 어떻게 성취해 낼 것인가'라고 충고하고 있다. 또 성장 위주의 향수병에서 벗어날 것도 권하고 있다.
이밖에 MB는 쇠고기 문제뿐만 아니라 다른 국정운영에서도 야권과의 충분한 공감대를 형성하지 못하고 있다고 비판했다. 그럼에도 경제계에서는 그에게 희망을 버리지 않고 있다고 전했다. 어쨌든 MB는 그의 CEO기질 탓에 대통령이란 '허니문' 기간은 끝났다고 논평했다.
결론적으로 쇠고기 난국을 돌파하고 향후 국정을 원만히 끌고 나가려면 CEO로서가 아니라 국가지도자로서의 철학을 가져야 한다는, 아주 평범한 주문이 아닐 수 없다.
President With CEO Resume Loses Luster: William Pesek
Commentary by William Pesek
May 30 (Bloomberg) -- U.S. President George W. Bush paid his South Korean counterpart what many might consider a compliment: He called Lee Myung Bak a successful businessman.
``As a former CEO, President Lee understands the importance of trade,'' Bush said last month on the Korean leader's first U.S. visit. Bush was thanking Lee for deciding to resume U.S. beef imports after a ban related to mad-cow disease in 2003.
It was the kind of decision that Lee, a former chief executive officer at Hyundai Group, campaigned on before taking office in February. Yet many of his 50 million people disagreed with him. A public backlash drew thousands of protesters into the streets. Lee had to delay his beef decision and apologize on national television. His popularity was dented.
Lee is but the latest self-proclaimed CEO-style leader to trip over his briefcase, not to mention his ambitions.
Bush became the U.S.'s first ``MBA president'' in 2001 and pledged to be a firm and forward-thinking decision maker. His team touted its lineup of Fortune 500 chief executives such as Dick Cheney and Donald Rumsfeld. We all know how that turned out.
Thaksin Shinawatra, Thai prime minister from 2001 to 2006, sought to run Thailand the same way he did his successful telecommunications empire. Self-made billionaire Silvio Berlusconi, Italy's prime minister, also deserves a mention here.
CEO Leaders
While it's impossible to generalize, these leaders came under criticism for making decisions without ample consultation with the public. After leveraging corporate success to become leaders, some were accused of using public office to advance private business interests.
What each learned -- or at least should have -- is that running a democratic nation and a company are two very different things. Since Lee is finding that out so early in his term, there's time to reconsider his governing style.
``We should give the president some time here,'' says Hwang Sung-ho, chief executive officer at PCA Investment Trust Management in Seoul. ``He will learn from his mistakes and correct them.''
Asia's fourth-biggest economy could use some shaking up. Its top-down business culture still favors the family-run conglomerates that decades ago put the country on the global economic map. The downside is fewer startups than one might expect in such a technology-savvy nation.
`The Bulldozer'
Lee's predecessor, Roh Moo Hyun, failed to devise a plan for Korea to find a comfortable place between wealthy Japan and low- cost China. Lee, a former mayor of Seoul, sold himself as the ideal antidote: a strong, business-minded leader who could reinvigorate Korea.
Chatting to public servants in Seoul these days, it's not hard to discover unhappiness in the ranks. Lee wants to downsize the government, which could cost bureaucrats power and even jobs. Others chafe at Lee's push to globalize Korea's economy with a more competitive financial industry and tax system, looser labor laws and fewer restrictions on foreign investment.
The problem isn't so much what Lee wants to achieve as how he wants to achieve it.
Many Koreans hoped Lee would run the country like he did Hyundai's construction unit. His almost three-decade career at Hyundai Group, where he served as chief executive of its steel and construction businesses, earned Lee the nickname ``The Bulldozer.''
Growth Nostalgia
The moniker reflected his success in pushing for projects for Korea's largest contractor. Supporters figured that impulse would help Korea carve out a clearer role in the global economy.
Running Korea like the conglomerates that still dominate business is a terrible idea. Yes, names such as Daewoo, Hyundai, LG and Samsung helped the nation rise from the ashes of the Korean War to become the 13th-biggest economy. It's important to realize, though, how that happened.
After the war, Korea favored a handful of champions and directed banks to channel money their way. The result was rapid growth and many are nostalgic for those heady days. The 1997 Asian crisis and the rise of China and India brought that model to an end. Korea has struggled to get growth back toward 10 percent.
It won't be easy with Korea being more about job protection at big, established businesses than job creation at new ones. Yet politics make a return to the past impossible.
Honeymoon Is Over
``The challenge for modern Korea is that we now operate within a true democracy,'' says Shaun Cochran, a Seoul-based analyst at CLSA Asia-Pacific Markets. ``As a result, decisions today are made through the political process. The leadership must engage in negotiation and a degree of horse trading to achieve its goals.''
While that marks progress for Korea, Cochran says, ``the slower pace generates frustration. This frustration translates to lower popularity, which in turn feeds opposition resistance and further slows the change process.''
Lee shouldn't be counted out. Aside from the beef misstep, he's having limited success in persuading opposition lawmakers to approve his plans. Yet many business leaders still give Lee good odds of raising Korea's stature globally.
If anything is clear, though, it's that Lee's honeymoon as president is over. For that, he can blame his CEO tendencies.
To contact the writer of this column: William Pesek in Seoul at wpesek@bloomberg.net
Last Updated: May 30, 2008 11:23 EDT

